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The television networks which helped contribute to the massive increase in the popularity of tournament poker tournament rules in the past couple of years by televising the main event of the 2003 wsop, in which chris moneymaker was crowned world poker champion, over and over again is back with widely expanded coverage of this year's event.
G. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet or spend money on coin slot machines or vlt's in a casino? h. in the past 12 months, how often did you play poker tournament rules in a casino? i. in the past 12 months, how often did you play blackjack in a casino? j. in the past 12 months, how often did you play roulette in a casino? k. in the past 12 months, how often did you play keno in a casino? l. in the past 12 months, how often did you play craps in a casino? m. in the past 12 months, how often did you play video lottery terminals vlts ; other than at casinos vlt coins are not dispensed ; ? n. in the past 12 months, how often did you play a sports lottery like sport select e.g. pro line, over under, point spread ; ? o. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet or spend money on sports pools? p. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet on cards, or board games with family or friends? q. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet or spend money on games of skill such as pool, bowling, or darts? r. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet on arcade or video games? s. in the past 12 months, how often did you gamble on the internet? t. in the past 12 months, how often did you bet on sports with a bookie? u. in the past 12 months, how often did you personally invest in stocks, options, or commodities markets? interviewer: if asked, this does not include mutual funds, rrsps.
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South wales central coast creek that dredged itself. a2 dairy marketers is the dodgy company that got a dodgy grant at the insistence of disgraced parliamentary secretary de-anne kelly. primary energy is the ethanol company based in john anderson's electorate that got more than million to do everything except produce a drop of ethanol. and who can forget the atherton hotel--the world famous home of `wacky wednesdays' and `stump bikini babes' and recipient of a 0, 000 sustainable regions grant courtesy of the government. as i noted earlier, the recipient of that grant was favoured over a community nearby that does not have access to potable drinking water and was convinced not to apply. the senate's detailed examination of regional partnerships and the sustainable regions program has exposed the howard government's lack of commitment to the development of australia's regions. the only commitment it has, the only commitment it has ever had, is to maintain office, whatever the cost to the nation. of course, regional partnerships and the sustainable regions program were not the first regional funding vehicles this government has rorted. the dairy regional assistance program was used by the government to buttress the coalition's political fortunes in electorates right across the country. two of the biggest recipients were, not coincidentally, the electorates held by the current leader and deputy leader of the national party. just as with regional partnerships and the sustainable regions program, there were some real beauties funded under dairy rap. these included the beaudesert polocrosse field, just a short drive from an existing world-class polocrosse field. despite being fully funded, it consisted of no more than a paddock with a toolshed and a locked gate and no rules poker.
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| And burials which span most of the years between 1706 and 1917 are also stored with the russia company documents. the registers, though they contain just over 10, 000 separate entries between 1706 and 1900 with most but the burials listing upwards of three individuals ; , do not produce an exact representation of the community during the period, in that newcomers appear without histories, infants are born and baptised elsewhere, people re-marry without the burials of prior spouses being recorded, and a substantial number of the marriages of core community members particularly after the middle of the nineteenth century took place in england to allow the attendance of senior, high status family members not resident in russia. these omissions, however, were usually rectified by data from other sources in the cases of core families. as a ready reference to characters, i transcribed the registers in full from 1706 until the early twentieth century, organizing all names into their appropriate family groupings and descent lines. in the case of long term residency this was comparatively easy as the names of sponsors and witnesses to the recorded rituals helped to establish kin connection. isolated mentions usually a burial ; indicated that the person was transient and or peripheral to the community. the work involved was considerable but constantly rewarding. slotting each entry into its place brought the lives of these people into my own. i watched some couples marry and, knowing their connections, could imagine the life they set up together. i was pleased with each new baby and mentally congratulated them, made comment on the selected name and speculated about the sponsors godparents ; . i was distressed when baby after baby failed to make it through infanthood. i remember families like the nineteenth-century diggles matthew was a foreman mechanic at the sampson mill at viborgsky and not a community aspirant who produced seven children between 1877 and 1886, only one of whom may have lived past six months. i came to dread the appearance of another diggle baptism. some registers list the addresses of participants, others occupation, many mention mother's maiden name at baptism, a few name the fathers of the spouses at marriage and even their occupations. this data has been invaluable in plotting consanguineal and affinal relationships between community members as well as opening a window onto lifeways and praxis. the three sponsors of infants are mostly recorded, as are the witnesses to weddings, with the lists of the latter lengthening in direct relation to the community standing of the spouses and their families. when a marriage took place between two core merchant families there could be as many as twenty witnesses recorded, `unknowns' might merit the inclusion of two, highlighting exactly who was considered to be important at any time, and delineating the social categories of the larger whole. this also established which families operated together as closeknit cliques or factions. many family names, in groups of three or more, appeared as spouses, witnesses and sponsors to each other for over a century. this has given clear and repeated indication that the community was structured into small, porous cells with broad though more tenuous connections. in the case of core families, affinal ties were either localised within the english community in petersburg or trailed out into family segments and connections in.
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Of elicited questions. we only considered the questions for which we were able to find an answer in wikipedia 54% of all questions ; . in the first experiment, involving manual analysis, we find that our answer extraction procedure leads to a satisfactory answer for 60.6% of our webclopedia questions. the remaining 39.4% suffers from one of the following problems in the order of the analysis steps ; : 1. the question topic is not represented by a text span in the answer fragment 18% of all questions 2. the text span representing the question topic does not participate in an rst relation 2% 3. the sibling of the span representing the question topic is not a satisfactory answer 21% ; . in the last case, the correct answer is somewhere else in the tree or in the same discourse unit as the question topic. for example, the clause buffalo wings are named after the city of buffalo, new york contains both the question topic chicken wings are called buffalo wings and its answer. we find no significant differences in success rate for the fragments that were annotated by the different annotators. this suggests that the low interannotator agreement has no noticeable influence on the answer extraction task that we consider. this may be because the majority of the rst relations that are relevant for why-qa are so obvious that annotators are likely to treat these similarly, but this remains to be seen. if we compare the success rate of the proposed answer extraction procedure for the current data collection to the success rate that we found for the elicited questions with the rst treebank as described in section 2 ; , we see highly similar results: for the webclopedia questions, 60.6% of answers can be found through manual topic matching and sibling selection. for the elicited questions, this figure was 58.0%. thus, although the questions in both data collections came from different sources, our answer selection procedure showed highly similar results for both sets. we also compare the set of relation types addressed by the webclopedia questions to the set of relation types addressed by the elicited questions. table 1 gives an overview of the relation types that leads to the correct answer for at least 6% of the questions where our discourse-based answer extraction approach succeeds in either the webclopedia set or the elicitation data. in the second and third column are the figures for the rst treebank and the corresponding elicited questions. in columns four and five are the percentages for the wikipedia corpus and the webclopedia questions. we see for example that 18.0% of relations in the rst treebank are elaboration relations, and for 27.0% of why-questions where our approach succeeds, it is an elaboration relation that connects question topic and answer. for the wikipedia corpus, these numbers are 22.4% and 20.8% respectively. 261.
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